Document Type : Original Article
Authors
1
Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran.
2
Assistant Professor of Regional Studies, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran.
3
PhD Student, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Razi University, Kermanshah, Iran.
10.22034/dpiq.2026.576720.1077
Abstract
Problem Statement
Climate change has become one of the most significant challenges in the contemporary international system, requiring coordinated management and systematic planning by major industrial powers. In response, many industrialized countries have adopted strategies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and have participated in international agreements addressing climate change. Global environmental cooperation began with the Stockholm Conference in 1972, while one of the most significant recent agreements is the Paris Agreement of 2015, through which states committed to reducing emissions and mitigating environmental impacts. Among the key actors in global climate governance, China has assumed an increasingly important role. As the largest emitter of greenhouse gases and one of the world’s major economic and political powers, China’s climate diplomacy carries considerable global significance. Since the 1970s, particularly through its participation in United Nations frameworks and international environmental forums, China has gradually expanded its engagement in global environmental initiatives. Influenced by international environmental norms and policy frameworks, the country has sought to emphasize responsibility toward global environmental protection while pursuing national development objectives.However, China’s climate diplomacy has also been shaped by international political dynamics. At times when the United States and several European countries have prioritized national interests while criticizing China for its high emission levels, China has attempted to present itself as a responsible actor in global climate governance. Nevertheless, various internal and external challenges continue to influence the direction of its climate-related policies.Accordingly, this study seeks to answer the following question: How do domestic and international factors create obstacles to the realization of China’s responsibility-oriented climate diplomacy? The research employs a descriptive–analytical approach using library-based sources and reputable international databases. The analysis is conducted within the framework of classical realism, emphasizing national interests, power, and competition among states, particularly in relation to China’s interactions with the United States and Europe.
Research background
Rimsha Tanevir (2025), in the article “Climate Change: One of the Most Complex Challenges in China’s Climate Security,” examines the relationship between climate change and China’s national security. She argues that strategic rivalries, policy gaps, and uncertainties in environmental governance may have serious implications for both China’s security and global stability. According to her analysis, China has increasingly framed climate change as a security issue and promoted ambitious environmental commitments at the discursive level. However, a noticeable gap persists between declared climate goals and the practical implementation of policies.
Philip Pettberg and colleagues (2024), in their article “China’s Climate Governance from 2009 to 2019: Motivations, Instruments, Actors, and Geopolitics,” analyze the development of China’s climate policy in relation to rapid industrialization and economic growth. Their findings indicate that China has become one of the largest emitters of greenhouse gases, creating tension between economic development and environmental commitments. They also highlight the diversity of domestic actors and policy instruments involved in China’s climate governance.Christian Manheil (2024) identifies climate change as a major challenge for the international system and emphasizes the significance of cooperation or competition between China and the European Union in shaping global climate outcomes. Hao Zhang (2022) shows that structural pressures in the international system influence China’s climate ambitions, while Alex L. Wang (2026) discusses the rise of China’s “global environmentalism,” where green development has become part of its foreign policy agenda.This study contributes to the literature by applying classical realism to China’s climate diplomacy, viewing it as a strategic instrument serving national interests within geopolitical competition while considering both domestic constraints and external pressures such as Western trade policies and the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism.
Research objective
The main objective of this study is to analyze the factors influencing China’s climate diplomacy in the context of domestic constraints and geopolitical competition. It examines how economic priorities, development imperatives, and pressures from domestic interest groups shape China’s engagement with international climate agreements and policies. The study also investigates how strategic competition with the United States and the European Union affects the direction of China’s climate diplomacy. Drawing on the framework of classical realism, climate diplomacy is interpreted not merely as an environmental commitment but as a strategic instrument for advancing national interests within a competitive international system. The research demonstrates how the interaction between internal pressures and external geopolitical dynamics shapes China’s environmental policy orientation and its role in global climate governance.
Research Method
In this study, the main data and variables were collected and organized through library-based research, including the review of academic literature and reputable international databases. The research variables are conceptualized at two levels: domestic interest-based groups and geopolitical factors, which are subsequently analyzed within the theoretical framework of classical realism. Classical realism emphasizes the central role of national interests, power, and competition among states in the international system and provides a conceptual framework for explaining the behavior of state actors. Accordingly, the analysis focuses on the primacy of power competition and the simultaneous influence of domestic variables and geopolitical constraints on the orientation of foreign policy. This theoretical approach enables a coherent interpretation of the relationships between the variables and provides the methodological foundation for employing a descriptive–analytical approach in the present research.
Report of Research Findings
The findings of this study indicate that climate policy in China has moved beyond a purely environmental domain and become embedded in the broader framework of governance and national security. Environmental degradation is framed not only as an ecological challenge but also as an issue linked to public health, social stability, and political legitimacy. Accordingly, China has strengthened climate governance through legal, regulatory, and market-based instruments, including the Environmental Protection Tax Law, stricter inspections, financial penalties for polluters, the expansion of a national carbon trading market, and legal accountability mechanisms.At the same time, these policies have generated significant economic and social costs. Stricter regulations have raised production costs, reduced profit margins in carbon-intensive sectors, and led to factory closures that failed to meet environmental standards. In some cases, this has resulted in job losses and economic strain on industrial regions. Climate policy thus functions not only as regulation but also as a redistributive mechanism that reallocates costs and benefits among the state, industry, and society.Overall, the findings suggest that the Chinese government seeks to balance economic growth, energy security, environmental protection, and social stability. Climate governance represents both an opportunity to enhance regulatory capacity and a potential source of tension if transition costs are unevenly distributed. The shift toward greener development should therefore be understood as a political and institutional transformation with implications for state–society relations and long-term development.
Conclusion
China’s climate diplomacy cannot be interpreted merely as an environmental commitment or a normative response to the climate crisis. Rather, it should be understood within the framework of classical realism, where national interests, power considerations, and survival in an anarchic international system shape state behavior. In this context, China seeks simultaneously to project the image of a responsible stakeholder in global climate governance while safeguarding the fundamental imperatives of economic growth, energy security, and national competitiveness. However, commitments to greenhouse gas reduction, stricter environmental regulations, and the transition toward a low‑carbon economy may impose pressures on certain industrial sectors and production structures, potentially affecting China’s economic competitiveness. From a classical realist perspective, such tensions reflect cost–benefit calculations inherent in power politics and the pursuit of national interest. Moreover, China’s strategic competition with the United States and the European Union indicates that climate diplomacy operates within a broader geopolitical and power‑driven environment. Climate cooperation may therefore function both as a mechanism for enhancing international legitimacy and as a field of technological and strategic competition. Consequently, China’s climate diplomacy can be understood as a strategic instrument for managing domestic economic pressures, navigating geopolitical rivalries, and strengthening its position within the international system.
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