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				<PublisherName>موسسه پژوهشی مبانی و مدل‌ های اقتصادی بومی</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>تعاملات دیپلماتیک</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>3041-9395</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>8</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Science Diplomacy in Indian Foreign Policy</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>دیپلماسی علمی در سیاست خارجی هند</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>1</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>34</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">225137</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/dpiq.2025.525750.1039</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>علیرضا</FirstName>
					<LastName>کوهکن</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشیار روابط بین الملل دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-3594-4154</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Science diplomacy, as one of the new concepts of foreign policy, can play an important role in strengthening international relations, exchanging knowledge, and solving global challenges in the future. India, as one of the emerging countries in the global economy and politics, is promoting this tool in its foreign policy. Science diplomacy is considered a tool for the development of science and technology, it also strengthens national power and improves economic, political interests, and even national image. In Indian foreign policy, the &quot;Ministry of External Affairs&quot;, plays a key role and, along with other organizations and institutions in charge, pursues the goals and interests of the Indian government in foreign policy. One of these programs is science diplomacy. This research is dedicated to examining this issue and seeks to answer the question of what role and position science diplomacy has in Indian foreign policy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The research method is qualitative and hypothesis-driven, and using a theoretical and conceptual framework within the general framework of empirical research. it seeks to describe and explain the position of science diplomacy in India&#039;s foreign policy. Information is collected through a library method and using reliable sources available in articles and databases that are extracted from the Internet. The research method is to examine the dimensions of India&#039;s actions in the field of foreign policy regarding the dimensions of science diplomacy that are specified in a theoretical and conceptual framework.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Results&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The results obtained from the studies of the article show that India&#039;s foreign policy in the field of science diplomacy has been active in several issues, the most important of which are: Membership and cooperation in international scientific organizations; holding and supporting scientific events and meetings; scientific exchange programs and scholarships; science diplomacy in the field of health; energy and sustainable development; promoting science diplomacy at the global level.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Indian foreign policy men&#039;s efforts in the field of science diplomacy have opened new horizons in the country&#039;s international activities. Cooperation with the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN), European Union programs such as Horizon Europe, the World Bank and the World Health Organization (WHO), and cooperation projects with developing countries (India-Africa Science &amp; Technology Initiative) are examples of these efforts. The Indian Ministry of External Affairs has also tried to give a prominent role to international science and technology conferences by supporting international scientific conferences to introduce India as a science and technology hub, holding the India Science Congress and the Indian Science Program (Vaishvik Bharatiya Vagyanik, VAIVHAV), and cooperating with the BRICS group in science and technology. Attracting elites using the Indian science scholarship programs (ICCR Scholarships) and the talent return program (Ramanujan Fellowship &amp; INSPIRE Faculty Scheme), as well as establishing international universities such as Nalanda University, have been other useful measures in promoting domestic science and technology in India. India&#039;s foreign policy has also paid attention to health and medical treatment to send the message to the society that science diplomacy is useful. In this regard, the role of the Indian Ministry of External Affairs in coordinating joint research projects in the field of public health, international cooperation in the field of vaccines and cooperation in the production of generic drugs and sending them to low-income countries has been important and significant. India is a country with a very large population and a growing economy, and its need for energy is very high. Therefore, within the framework of science diplomacy, the Indian Ministry of External Affairs has tried to secure national interests in the field of new energies by cooperating with advanced countries in the field of renewable energies, leading the International Solar Alliance (ISA) and participating in research on sustainable energies, including the development of green hydrogen technology. In general, it should be said that India&#039;s foreign policy has tried to use every opportunity to expand science diplomacy and thereby secure India&#039;s national interests more than ever.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For conclusion, it should be said that the Indian Ministry of External Affairs has played a key role in promoting the country&#039;s science diplomacy, and policies of this ministry have had a significant impact on India&#039;s soft power and have helped the country present a leading and innovative image at the international level. Through the development of medical technologies and renewable energy, participation in solving global crises and creating suitable platforms for scientific cooperation, India has succeeded in increasing its influence among developing countries and major scientific powers. These measures have not only strengthened India&#039;s diplomatic relations, but also facilitated the country&#039;s access to knowledge, new technologies and new economic opportunities. Accordingly, the hypothesis put forward is confirmed.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">دیپلماسی علمی به عنوان یکی از ابزارهای کلیدی سیاست خارجی، نقش مهمی در تقویت روابط بین‌المللی، تبادل دانش و حل چالش‌های جهانی ایفا می‌کند. هند به عنوان یک کشور نوظهور در میان قدرت‌های جهانی با دارا بودن  زیرساخت‌های علمی و تحقیقاتی پیشرفته در جهان، از دیپلماسی علمی به عنوان ابزاری برای پیشبرد منافع ملی خود استفاده کرده است. این پژوهش به دنبال پاسخ به این سوال بوده که دیپلماسی علمی چه نقش و جایگاهی در سیاست خارجی هند دارد. روش پژوهش از نوع کیفی و از گونه قیاسی فرضیه محور و با استفاده از چارچوب نظری و مفهومی در چارچوب کلی تحقیقات تجربی، به دنبال توصیف و تبیین پاسخ به سوال اصلی بوده است. ابزار گردآوری اطلاعات در این خصوص، کتابخانه‌ای و با استفاده از منابع معتبر موجود در مقالات و بانک‌های اطلاعاتی بوده که از اینترنت استخراج شده است. نتایج پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که دیپلماسی علمی به‌عنوان ابزاری استراتژیک، نقشی اساسی در پیشبرد سیاست خارجی هند ایفا می‌کند. این سیاست از طریق ایجاد و مدیریت همکاری‌های علمی بین‌المللی، مشارکت در سازمان‌های جهانی و استفاده از فناوری‌های نوین در روابط دیپلماتیک، به دنبال حفظ و تقویت موقعیت علمی و فناورانه هند در جهان است. در شرایطی که رقابت علمی میان قدرت‌های بزرگ افزایش یافته است، سیاست خارجی هند با اجرای سیاست‌های هدفمند در حوزه دیپلماسی علمی، تلاش می‌کند برتری علمی کشور را حفظ کند و از آن به ‌عنوان ابزاری برای افزایش نفوذ بین‌المللی بهره ببرد.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">دیپلماسی علمی</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>موسسه پژوهشی مبانی و مدل‌ های اقتصادی بومی</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>تعاملات دیپلماتیک</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>3041-9395</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>8</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Impact of US Diplomatic Relations with the South China Sea Littoral States on the Decline of China&#039;s Power</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>تأثیر روابط دیپلماتیک آمریکا با کشورهای ساحلی دریای چین جنوبی بر کاهش قدرت چین</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>35</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>80</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">223321</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/dpiq.2025.493268.1016</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>حمید</FirstName>
					<LastName>درج</LastName>
<Affiliation>دکتری روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-3343-9485</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>07</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The South China Sea is of great importance to regional and international countries due to its strategic and geostrategic location. China claims vast areas of the South China Sea that overlap with the exclusive economic zones of Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia, and the Philippines. The geopolitical importance of this region has led the United States to expand its military presence in this maritime area by intervening in territorial disputes and conflicts in the South China Sea, thereby increasing political, economic, and military cooperation with countries surrounding China. The United States is becoming more and more eager to intervene and play a role in the South China Sea, and in this regard, it has sought to expand its presence and push back Washington&#039;s regional influence in East Asia. Perceptions and threats arising from China’s growing power in the region have led to the expansion of Washington’s political, economic, and military interactions with China’s neighboring countries, which could have a significant impact on reducing Beijing’s naval power and influence in the South China Sea and establishing a balance of power in favor of Washington and its regional allies in East Asia.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Literature Review&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Alizadeh (2022), in an article titled “America’s New Approach in A. S. It; Strengthening Strategic Partnership to Counter China”; acknowledges that the United States is pursuing a policy of regional weakening and containment of China and, in this regard, is trying to update Washington’s old strategies in the region and its relationship with A. S. It members following new developments in the region.&lt;br /&gt;Stepanov (2022), in an article titled “United States Policy Towards Southeast Asia: From Barack Obama to Joe Biden”; It deals with the confrontation between the United States and China and does not consider interaction with Southeast Asia as an end in itself. The author also states that countries such as Vietnam and the Philippines have the potential to strengthen their relations with the United States. The innovation of the present article is that previous research has mainly focused on the effect of the dependent variable on the independent variable; however, the present study attempts to examine and analyze the effect of the independent variable on the dependent variable, which is the effect of the development of US diplomatic relations with the coastal countries of the South China Sea on the decline of China&#039;s power in the region.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The present study is applied in terms of its purpose and its method is qualitative. In this study, the description, study, and analysis of what is are also addressed; therefore, this study is a &quot;descriptive-analytical research&quot; in terms of its implementation method. Given the nature of the subject under study, the method of collecting data and research information is also library and Internet methods.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Results and Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By relying on its high economic power and advantage, China has been able to easily increase its influence among the US allies in the Asia-Pacific region. Beijing’s institutional approach, such as the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, is considered Beijing’s most important step in increasing its regional influence and challenging the American order (Mohammadnia and Nasser Pourhassan, 2023: 111). China’s high rate of economic growth has paved the way for the transformation and modernization of its armed forces. In many ways, China’s defense transformation may be seen as part of a normal process of military modernization, facilitated by technological advances, such as the military revolution, which is very effective in Beijing’s defense strategy. For example, at the strategic level, China continues to develop a ballistic missile force with a strong second-strike capability on land and at sea. Therefore, China’s nuclear force may be seen as a deterrent against the much larger nuclear arsenal of the United States. China has also developed a powerful short- and medium-range ballistic missile capability to counter potential incidents in the Taiwan Strait (Thayer, 2010: 70).&lt;br /&gt;The United States is increasingly keen to play a role and presence in the South China Sea, and is trying to gradually expand China’s encirclement ring. In an interview, Mearsheimer supported the idea that “the United States will form a balancing coalition in Asia that will include most of China’s and the United States’ neighbors, and they will work to contain China and prevent its dominance in Asia” (Teixeira, 2018: 18). The Philippines and Vietnam, both of which have disputes with China over claims in the South China Sea, have welcomed the presence of the United States in the region to provide additional security support (Lum, 2011: 9). Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei are also regional claimants in the South China Sea. They are also partners in the US involvement in the South China Sea issue. However, unlike the radical Philippines and Vietnam, these three countries have relatively mild reactions to US intervention (Anwar, 2013: 3). As a quasi-ally of the US in Southeast Asia, Singapore has always played an important role as a defense partner and logistical supporter of the US military. It hopes that the US will continue to play its role in balancing against Chinese influence (Desker, 2013: 30). Thailand, Cambodia and Laos are not parties to the South China Sea dispute. They have relatively low demands on US security and have good bilateral relations with China. Therefore, their response to the US rebalancing strategy in the Asia-Pacific region has been very cautious (Prasirtsuk, 2013: 35). Finally, it seems that Myanmar’s foreign policy has reached a new crossroads. As U Zaw Htay, the Director of the Office of the President of Myanmar, said in 2013, one of the most important challenges facing Myanmar is how to structure its foreign policy, including how to actively participate in ASEAN issues and how to formulate policies related to the South China Sea, ASEAN, the United States, and China. Currently, Myanmar is still in a critical period of political transformation, and its domestic and external trends are full of uncertainty (Yun, 2015: 27-28).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The South China Sea has recently attracted the attention of regional and international countries due to the intensification of conflicts and territorial disputes in the region. In addition to developing its economic capabilities, China has also taken significant steps in its military modernization, which is considered a strategic threat to the coastal countries of the South China Sea and the extensive presence of the United States in the region. The perceptions and concerns of the United States and the coastal countries of the South China Sea about China&#039;s rise and dominance in the region, which they consider a strategic threat to their regional interests and policies, have led to the development of a network of alliances and diplomatic relations between Washington and China&#039;s neighboring countries, which, while preventing Beijing&#039;s increasing power and its isolation in the region, will have a significant impact on establishing political equations in line with the goals and interests of the White House and its allies in Southeast Asia.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">افزایش قدرت نظامی و نفوذ سیاسی چین در شرق آسیا باعث ایجاد نگرانی و سوءظن در میان برخی از همسایگان آن و ایالات‌متحده شده است. به‌ویژه قاطعیت فزاینده پکن بر حق حاکمیت و حقوق دریایی در دریای چین جنوبی به‌عنوان یک چالش جدی برای کشورهای منطقه و قدرت‌های ذی‌نفع تلقی می‌شود. از این‌رو، ترس کشورهای حوزه پیرامونی این دریا از محاصره توسط چین موجب شده تا این کشورها خواستار نقش فعال‌تر واشنگتن در معادلات منطقه برای ایجاد موازنه در برابر تهدیدات فزاینده چین شوند. بدین ترتیب، سؤال اصلی پژوهش این است که روابط دیپلماتیک آمریکا با کشورهای ساحلی دریای چین جنوبی چگونه منجر به کاهش قدرت چین در این منطقه می‌شود؟ مفروض پژوهش این است که آمریکا از طریق توسعه روابط دیپلماتیک با کشورهای ساحلی دریای چین جنوبی و با ایجاد ادراک تهدید نسبت به حضور چین و شکل دادن به رقابت تسلیحاتی در دریای جنوبی، زمینه کاهش نفوذ چین در دریای چین جنوبی را فراهم می‌آورد.&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;نتایج این تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که توسعه روابط واشنگتن با کشورهای همسایه چین در دریای چین جنوبی، ضمن محاصره و انزوای چین، منجر به کاهش قلمروی قدرت و نفوذ دریایی پکن در دریای چین جنوبی و آب‌های اطراف خواهد شد که این امر، می‌تواند باعث تحول قدرت و شکل‌گیری معادلات سیاسی به نفع واشنگتن و هم‌پیمانان آن در شرق آسیا شود. این اقدامات واشنگتن ریشه در به تصور کشیدن چهره­ای تهدیدآمیز از پکن برای کشورهای منطقه و بین‌الملل دارد. نوشتار حاضر به روش توصیفی-تحلیلی صورت گرفته و اطلاعات و داده‌های لازم را از مقالات و منابع اینترنتی جمع‌آوری کرده است.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>موسسه پژوهشی مبانی و مدل‌ های اقتصادی بومی</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>تعاملات دیپلماتیک</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>3041-9395</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>8</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Role of Economic Diplomacy in Developing Qatar&#039;s Diversification Strategies (2017-2024)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>نقش دیپلماسی اقتصادی در توسعه راهبردهای تنوع محور قطر از 2017 تا 2024</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>81</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>114</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">225368</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/dpiq.2025.503196.1021</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>طیبه</FirstName>
					<LastName>سیاوشی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0005-1221-6540</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مرتضی</FirstName>
					<LastName>نورمحمدی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-2196-4402</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Despite the Qatari government’s efforts to maintain friendly relations with its neighbors, fundamental differences with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, particularly over its support for Islamist groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood, have strained relations. These differences led to a major crisis in 2017, which included an economic embargo and the severing of diplomatic relations with a number of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. However, the small emirate has turned the crisis and blockade into an opportunity, despite its dire consequences. A key factor in Qatar’s success in resisting external pressures is its strong and diversified economy. With more than $300 billion in assets under management, the Qatar National Investment Fund has allowed the country to withstand economic and political crises. Economic diplomacy is one of the most important tools through which governments secure their national interests. By using economic diplomacy, countries try to interact with the outside world and achieve maximum national benefits in all areas of activity, including trade, investment and other forms of economic exchanges in which they have a comparative advantage. The government of Qatar has been able to adopt appropriate diplomacy through economic policies to penetrate the complexities of international relations. Economic resources are considered an important asset for small states, and Qatar&#039;s vast wealth, including oil and natural gas, has led to economic influence in the region and the world. Qatar&#039;s economic strength is the basis for strategic investments to strengthen its position in international relations. Oil was once considered the most important source of wealth, but factors such as limited hydrocarbon resources, fluctuating incomes, and the fundamental reliance on it as the only source of wealth have put the need for economic diversification on the political agenda of countries. The strategy of economic diversification is inversely related to revenues from natural gas and oil, and the decline in oil prices has led to a sharp focus on this strategy. During the years of economic prosperity (2000-2008), the move towards diversification began. Currently, Qatar is actively pursuing economic diversification as a policy and places a major emphasis on it. In this regard, the key objectives of Qatar&#039;s foreign policy include enhancing national security, diversifying the economy, and expanding regional and global influence. These objectives are pursued through various diplomatic and economic strategies. The strategic use of diplomacy, economic investment, and soft power as a tool for crisis management and strengthening Qatar&#039;s position domestically and internationally.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Literature Review&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Most studies on Qatar have focused on the country&#039;s hydrocarbon resources and its trade and security relations with major powers, or simply on the 2017 crisis in Qatar-GCC relations and its consequences. However, in the present study, an attempt has been made to address two important aspects of this concept within the conceptual framework of economic diplomacy and diversification-oriented economy, namely attracting foreign investment (in the non-hydrocarbon sector) and developing economic relations (with emerging powers), and in this regard, the diversification-oriented economic strategy - the driving force of economic diplomacy - has also been considered. The articles that have been written about Qatar so far have each examined a part of the variables of the article&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research analyzes the subject using a qualitative method and a descriptive-explanatory approach, using primary and secondary sources including documents, reports, lectures, articles, and reputable websites.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Results&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As the gap between the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) widened and some members of the council imposed economic sanctions on the Qatari government, Qatar&#039;s political system faced numerous economic shocks and challenges due to its heavy dependence on oil revenues. In addition, the volatility of global energy prices and economic threats resulting from international developments led Qatar&#039;s main economic policymaking goal to reduce dependence on energy resources. In this regard, this research aims to examine the role of economic diplomacy in realizing Qatar&#039;s diversification strategy for its economy. It seeks to address the fundamental question of how Qatar&#039;s economic diplomacy has contributed to the development of diversification-oriented strategies. In response to this important question, the hypothesis is put forward that Qatar&#039;s economic diplomacy has acted to reduce dependence on energy exports and realize economic diversification-oriented strategies by attracting foreign investment in non-hydrocarbon sectors and developing economic relations with emerging powers. This research analyzes the subject with a qualitative method and a descriptive-explanatory approach using primary and secondary sources, including documents, reports, articles, and reliable websites. The findings of this study confirm the fact that the use of the economic diplomacy strategy in the Qatari government has led to a reduction in economic dependence on the energy sector and the development of the foundations of a sustainable and diversified economy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As the gap between the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) widened and some members of the council imposed economic sanctions on the Qatari government, Qatar&#039;s political system faced numerous economic shocks and challenges due to its heavy dependence on oil revenues. In addition, the volatility of global energy prices and economic threats resulting from international developments led Qatar&#039;s main economic policymaking goal to reduce dependence on energy resources. In this regard, this research aims to examine the role of economic diplomacy in realizing Qatar&#039;s diversification strategy for its economy. It seeks to address the fundamental question of how Qatar&#039;s economic diplomacy has contributed to the development of diversification-oriented strategies. In response to this important question, the hypothesis is put forward that Qatar&#039;s economic diplomacy has acted to reduce dependence on energy exports and realize economic diversification-oriented strategies by attracting foreign investment in non-hydrocarbon sectors and developing economic relations with emerging powers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The findings of this study confirm the fact that the use of the economic diplomacy strategy in the Qatari government has led to a reduction in economic dependence on the energy sector and the development of the foundations of a sustainable and diversified economy</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA"> هم‌زمان با افزایش شکاف بین اعضای شورای همکاری خلیج‌فارس و اعمال تحریم‌های اقتصادی از سوی برخی اعضای شورا علیه دولت قطر، نظام سیاسی قطر به واسطه وابستگی شدید به درآمدهای نفتی با شوک‌های اقتصادی و چالش‌های عدیده‌ای مواجه شد. افزون بر این نوسان قیمت‌های جهانی انرژی و تهدیدات اقتصادی ناشی از تحولات بین‌المللی، هدف اصلی سیاست‌گذاری اقتصادی قطر را به سمت کاهش وابستگی به منابع انرژی سوق داد. در این راستا این پژوهش با هدف بررسی نقش دیپلماسی اقتصادی در تحقق راهبرد تنوع‌بخشی به اقتصاد قطر سعی دارد به این پرسش اساسی بپردازد که دیپلماسی اقتصادی قطر در راستای توسعه راهبردهای تنوع محور چگونه نقش‌آفرینی کرده است؟ در پاسخ به این پرسش مهم این فرضیه مطرح می‌شود که دیپلماسی اقتصادی قطر از طریق جذب سرمایه‌گذاری خارجی در بخش‌های غیر هیدروکربنی و توسعه روابط اقتصادی با قدرت‌های فرا منطقه‌ای در جهت کاهش وابستگی به صادرات انرژی و تحقق راهبردهای تنوع محور اقتصادی اقدام نموده است. این پژوهش با روش کیفی و رویکرد توصیفی- تبیینی با استفاده از منابع اولیه و ثانویه مشتمل بر اسناد، گزارش‌ها، مقالات و سایت‌های اینترنتی معتبر به تحلیل موضوع می‌پردازد. یافته‌های این پژوهش مؤید این واقعیت است که بهره‌گیری از راهبرد دیپلماسی اقتصادی در دولت قطر منجر به کاهش وابستگی اقتصادی به بخش انرژی و توسعه بنیان‌های یک اقتصاد پایدار و متنوع شده است.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">دیپلماسی اقتصادی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">تنوع اقتصادی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">سرمایه‌گذاری خارجی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">قدرت‌های فرا منطقه‌ای</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.dpiq.ir/article_225368_6a2c3c6b7c54b2d9b699377c51b151c7.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>موسسه پژوهشی مبانی و مدل‌ های اقتصادی بومی</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>تعاملات دیپلماتیک</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>3041-9395</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>8</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Examining the Position of Expediency in Diplomatic Relations from a Jurisprudential Perspective</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>بررسی جایگاه مصلحت در روابط دیپلماتیک از منظر فقهی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>115</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>154</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">225365</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/dpiq.2025.527298.1041</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمدمهدی</FirstName>
					<LastName>کوهکن</LastName>
<Affiliation>دکتری فقه و حقوق اسلامی، دانشگاه مذاهب اسلامی، تهران ، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-0292-551X</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Expediency is a concept that has its roots in jurisprudential rationality and is known as a tool for more accurately understanding the intentions of the Sharia and adapting rulings to the conditions of time and place. This concept has undergone significant developments throughout the history of Islamic jurisprudence, especially in the field of political jurisprudence, and has transformed from a theoretical position into a practical element in government decision-making processes. In the Islamic system, expediency, as a dynamic and adaptable basis, serves to ensure the major goals of the Sharia, such as preserving religion, life, property, offspring, and reason, and in complex and changing global conditions, it is considered a solution for linking fixed Islamic principles with the requirements of the time.&lt;br /&gt;The central question is “What is the status of expediency in the diplomatic relations of the Islamic political system?”, this research explains the place and function of expediency in diplomacy and foreign policy from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence.&lt;br /&gt;Therefore, the present study, with a combined view of jurisprudence and politics, attempts to clarify the position and function of expediency in the foreign relations of the Islamic system and to answer basic questions about how to recognize and apply expediency in foreign policy. This study can help develop the literature of Islamic diplomacy jurisprudence and also enhance the level of analysis in the field of strategic decision-making.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Literature review&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Jurists, especially Sunni jurists, have studied Expediency in their works since the beginning of Islam as a way to achieve religious rulings. However, given that diplomatic relations is a concept that has been considered after the formation of modern states, there is no specific discussion of expediency in diplomacy and foreign policy in ancient jurisprudential and narrational texts;&lt;br /&gt;In addition to the studies conducted, no research work has been observed that has independently addressed the position of expediency in diplomatic relations from a jurisprudential perspective. However, there are some studies that are somehow related to the subject of foreign policy and Islamic international relations.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research is of a practical type with an analytical-descriptive approach. Since the aim of the research is to explain the role and position of a jurisprudential concept in a macro-policy area, the analysis of jurisprudential texts and historical documents, relying on the ijtihad method and interpretation of religious texts, forms the basis of the work.&lt;br /&gt;Data Collection Method&lt;br /&gt;The method of collecting information in this research is library and documentary. The sources used include:&lt;br /&gt;Jurisprudential sources (books of principles, jurisprudence, narrations)&lt;br /&gt;Theological and interpretative texts&lt;br /&gt;Works of contemporary scholars of political jurisprudence&lt;br /&gt;Legal documents of the Islamic Republic (Constitution, statements, general policies of the system)&lt;br /&gt;Historical examples of the life of the Prophet of Islam and the Imams in political interactions&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Results&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The main goal of the Islamic state is to secure the interests and Public welfare of Islam and Muslims and defend its existence. To achieve this goal, cooperation between all Islamic countries in the political, military, economic, social and cultural fields is essential for the defense of Islam and Muslims. This cooperation is a prerequisite for the brotherhood and sisterhood that Islam has established among Muslims all over the world. The Islamic state plays the most important and fundamental role in creating this cooperation that can secure the interests of the Islamic nation and lead the government to its goals. Islam, which is a universal religion, seeks the happiness of everyone in this world and the hereafter and the realization of a good life for all people. In order to achieve this goal, it supports human dignity. The foundation of the Islamic government system is based on justice and strictly prohibits oppression and being oppressed, and considers all people who are created from one father and mother to be equal in creation. The Islamic state is obliged to consider these principles in its foreign relations, as it is in its domestic policy, and to support and strengthen them.&lt;br /&gt;In light of what has been said, the most important expediencies of the Islamic state&#039;s diplomatic relations are:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Efforts to form a unified Islamic nation.&lt;br /&gt;Defending the rights of all Muslims and striving to establish comprehensive cooperation between Islamic countries in order to defend the essence of Islam and secure the interests of Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;Rejecting oppression and accepting oppression by fighting against oppression and the arrogant and supporting the oppressed and the downtrodden.&lt;br /&gt;Calling to Islam and striving to establish an Islamic state throughout the world through cooperation and collaboration with all Muslims.&lt;br /&gt;Efforts to establish peace and peaceful life in the world.&lt;br /&gt;Supporting the dignity of all human beings.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Islamic interests are the values, interests and basic needs of Islam and Muslims or the Islamic Ummah, which do not necessarily have a national or territorial origin or destination. According to another definition, Islamic interests are those goals that are chosen, without considering their national benefit or harm, and without having a territorial origin or destination and related to a specific nation, in order to develop and expand the Islamic faith, strengthen and honor Muslims, advance Islamic societies and prepare the stages of political unity of Dar al-Islam as a single pole of global power, develop and elevate the human, material and spiritual aspects of Muslims and progress towards an ideal society or a global government of Islamic justice and, specifically, in the Shiite vision, to lay the groundwork and prepare the groundwork for the era of revelation and the rule and government of divine justice in the world by the last infallible Imam (a.s).&lt;br /&gt;Values, goals, and ideals such as preserving the integrity of the system, strengthening and expanding its values and ideals, protecting the Islamic government and the Islamic Revolution, strengthening and increasing the power of Muslims and the Islamic world, ensuring the security of the Islamic nation and Islamic lands, the independence and sovereignty of the Dar al-Islam, the political unity of the Islamic world, and the formation of a global Islamic community are among the most important interests of Islam.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Expediency, as a dynamic and rational axis of Islamic political jurisprudence, plays a vital role in the regulation of the diplomatic relations of the Islamic state. This research shows that expediency not only acts as a tool for aligning the fixed principles of the Sharia with changing international requirements, but also provides a legitimizing framework for strategic decision-making in the field of diplomacy. Expediency in the diplomatic relations of the Islamic state creates a bridge between the stability of the Sharia and strategic flexibility. By relying on jurisprudential mechanisms (such as the guardianship of the jurist and the objectives of the Sharia), this principle enables the Islamic state to respond to the changing challenges of the international system while adhering to religious principles. The success of this model requires that expediency always be carried out under the broad Islamic ideals (such as dignity, justice, and unity of the nation) and under the supervision of legitimate jurisprudential institutions.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">مصلحت به عنوان یکی از مهم‌ترین اصول عقلایی و فقهی در نظام سیاسی اسلام، نقش کلیدی در تنظیم روابط داخلی و خارجی ایفا می‌کند. در نظام اسلامی، مصلحت به عنوان مبنایی پویا و تطبیق‌پذیر، در خدمت تأمین اهداف کلان شریعت همچون حفظ دین، جان، مال، نسل و عقل قرار دارد و در شرایط پیچیده و متغیر جهانی، راهکاری برای پیوند اصول ثابت اسلامی با مقتضیات زمان به‌شمار می‌آید. این پژوهش با تمرکز بر این پرسش که «مصلحت چه جایگاهی در روابط دیپلماتیک نظام اسلامی دارد؟» به تبیین جایگاه و کارکرد مصلحت در دیپلماسی و سیاست خارجی از منظر فقه اسلامی می‌پردازد. سوالات فرعی این پژوهش شامل بررسی «معیارهای مصلحت در روابط خارجی از منظر اسلام» و «نمونه‌های فقهی از مصلحت‌ورزی در احکام روابط خارجی» است. در پاسخ، روشن می‌شود که معیارهایی چون حفظ عزت اسلامی، استقلال، حفظ منافع ملت و امت اسلامی و دفع مفسده، چارچوب سنجش مصلحت در مناسبات خارجی را تشکیل می‌دهند. همچنین، نمونه‌های تاریخی چون صلح حدیبیه، نامه‌نگاری پیامبر اسلام با سران کشورها، و روابط مالی و حقوقی حکومت اسلامی با دیگر کشورها نشان‌دهنده رویکرد عقل‌گرایانه و مصلحت‌محور اسلام در روابط خارجی است. یافته‌ها حاکی از آن است که مصلحت در فقه سیاسی شیعه، به‌ویژه با تبیین نقش ولی فقیه و نهادهایی مانند مجمع تشخیص مصلحت نظام، جایگاهی نهادینه یافته و می‌تواند راهنمایی مؤثر برای اتخاذ تصمیمات سیاست خارجی متوازن و دینی باشد&lt;strong&gt;.&lt;/strong&gt;</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">مصلحت</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">فقه سیاسی</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">دیپلماسی اسلامی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">مقاصد شریعت</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">ولایت فقیه</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://www.dpiq.ir/article_225365_4e6d58f0c0d604a4cfffc06957564221.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>موسسه پژوهشی مبانی و مدل‌ های اقتصادی بومی</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>تعاملات دیپلماتیک</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>3041-9395</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>8</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Role of Traditional Culture in China&#039;s Diplomatic Interactions with a Focus on the Idea of Harmony</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>نقش فرهنگ سنتی در تعاملات دیپلماتیک چین با تمرکز بر اندیشه هماهنگی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>155</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>188</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">223320</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/dpiq.2025.519746.1037</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمدصادق</FirstName>
					<LastName>رحیمی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد دانشگاه امام صادق (ع)، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0000-5928-208X</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>فاطمه</FirstName>
					<LastName>محتشمی پور</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد مطالعات منطقه‌ای دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0000-3601-9182</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>ابوذر</FirstName>
					<LastName>گوهری مقدم</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشیار روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه امام صادق (ع)، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-7552-7518</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>27</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;In the contemporary world, the foreign policy of each country is tied to numerous social factors and relations, such as social, economic, cultural, and political factors, and is not a phenomenon that can be studied in an abstract manner and separately from these influential factors. Consequently, in the field of foreign policy analysis, the factors affecting a country&#039;s decision-making and diplomatic behavior have always been analyzed from various angles. Studying and analyzing foreign policy from the perspective of traditional culture is one of these factors under consideration. Although it is not the only influential factor and cannot replace other factors alone, ignoring its impact on the foreign policy of countries is also unwise, because traditional culture and long-standing values that have been institutionalized in a country&#039;s history subtly influence people who have grown up in that particular cultural space (a nation&#039;s politicians). For this reason, in this research, using documentary studies and library resources and from a structuralist perspective, we have attempted to understand the effects of the main components of China&#039;s traditional culture on its diplomatic relations with the world. Also, according to the studies conducted, it seems that the most important concept among them is the concept of &quot;coordination&quot;, which is a key keyword in determining the style and context of China&#039;s diplomatic interactions with other actors in the international arena.&lt;br&gt;Research Questions: In this research, we seek an answer to the main question: What is the role of traditional Chinese culture as an influential factor in China&#039;s foreign policy? In order to answer this question, two sub-questions will also be examined. First, what components and concepts does traditional Chinese culture have in the field of politics and governance? And second, what are the main foreign policy policies and doctrines influenced by the concepts and contexts of traditional Chinese culture?&lt;br&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Literature Review&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;The influence of Chinese culture and tradition on China’s foreign policy is an important topic in the study of international relations and foreign policy of this country. In this regard, several scientific articles and research have been published that examine the role of Chinese culture and traditions in shaping the country’s foreign policy. One of the important sources in this field is an article from the Policy Research Institute of Sharif University of Technology that examines China’s foreign policy strategies in the field of culture. This article explains how China uses cultural diplomacy and soft power to improve its international image. It also refers to the role of Confucius Institutes in promoting Chinese culture around the world. Another article, titled The Cultural and Ideological Roots of China’s Foreign Policy, written by Abdullah Qanbarloo, examines the influence of Confucian teachings and modern ideologies such as nationalism and socialism on China’s foreign policy. This article shows how Chinese culture has influenced the country’s security and economic approaches in the international arena. Also, another article in the journal Contemporary Political Essays examines self-reliance, multilateralism, and economism in Chinese foreign policy and analyzes the influence of Confucian culture on these approaches.&lt;br&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;Documentary and library research is a non-experimental method in which the researcher uses existing sources (printed or digital) to answer research questions without collecting primary data. This method is especially used in the humanities, law, history, and international studies. This method involves collecting, studying, and analyzing existing sources (such as books, articles, reports, historical documents, laws, archives, and other written sources) that are related to the subject under study. In this method, the researcher seeks to discover facts, patterns, and relationships between data through the analysis of existing documents and sources. In this research, the documentary method and the use of library data analysis and electronic documents have been used.&lt;br&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Results&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;As mentioned at the beginning, the factor of culture increasingly influences the Chinese people and their view of the world and their relationships with others, and in traditional Chinese culture, these schools of thought play a pivotal role. Anyone who is familiar with traditional Chinese culture and philosophical schools clearly knows that one of the most fundamental concepts of Chinese culture, which is addressed in almost all Chinese schools of thought and is the foundation of many other philosophical concepts, is the idea of harmony. Today, it is said that if we could summarize the essence of traditional Chinese culture in one word, it would be harmony. Consequently, this value of harmony plays a positive guiding role in the formulation of China&#039;s diplomatic strategies and policies, and believing in its principle of existence leads Chinese people to believe in other principles such as unity and harmony in plurality, coexistence in diversity, and mutually beneficial cooperation.&lt;br&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;How to cooperate and develop peacefully is the important issue of the present era. China feels that if it wants to become a responsible regional and global power, it cannot follow the old path of the West, which has relied on force for the past few centuries, and must take the path of &quot;peaceful rise&quot;. The unique characteristics of this new era have also turned the dream of China&#039;s peaceful rise from a possibility to a reality and have given it subjective and objective conditions. In fact, for its desired development, which is the priority of this country, China must seek to create a favorable and tension-free external environment for itself; for this reason, as long as there is no direct foreign invasion into China&#039;s territory, military invasion, attempts at revolution, attempts to separate the Nationalists from China, etc., the risk of any military conflict from this country will not go away. The result is that understanding such traditional ideas that affect the decision-making and behavior of the Chinese people seems essential for making appropriate decisions in confronting and cooperating with them, and although this article attempted to address the most fundamental manifestations of the culture of &quot;harmony&quot; in this country&#039;s foreign policy, the effects of this philosophical idea in this area do not end there. In addition, traditional Chinese culture and thought are a rich collection of various philosophical concepts, and the idea of &quot;harmony&quot; is only one of these thousands. It is hoped that by opening the way for Iranians to gain a deep and principled understanding of the Chinese nation, attention will also be paid to such influences of Chinese culture and philosophy on the minds and decision-making of this country&#039;s politicians.&lt;br&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt; According to the studies conducted, contrary to what has not been considered in most research on Chinese foreign policy so far, the country&#039;s foreign policy is strongly influenced by its ancient and traditional culture, so that China&#039;s foreign policy cannot be analyzed and explained only based on materialistic and economic-oriented concepts and theories. According to the findings of the present study, it can be seen that traditional Chinese culture, from philosophical schools to mythological backgrounds, has played a significant role in shaping Chinese foreign policy. According to the examples mentioned in the research, it can be seen that some of the concepts and macro strategies derived from the traditional and profound culture of the Chinese people have always been constant in the style and method of politics of Chinese rulers and politicians, and specifically the concept of coordination is one of the most important of these concepts that has always been the focus of Chinese policymakers and politicians. Considering the components and cultural characteristics reflected in China&#039;s foreign policy, strategies can be adopted in the diplomatic apparatus of the Islamic Republic of Iran that are appropriate and strengthen these components. Similarly, China welcomes the establishment of common ground in cultural fields and provides the necessary foundation for the expansion of public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy by the Islamic Republic of Iran.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">در جهان معاصر، سیاست خارجی هر کشور به عوامل و مناسبات اجتماعی متعددی همچون عوامل اجتماعی، اقتصادی، فرهنگی، سیاسی آن گره‌خورده و پدیده‌ای نیست که بتوان به‌صورت تجریدی و جدای از این عوامل اثرگذار، آن را بررسی نمود. نتیجتاً در حوزه تحلیل سیاست خارجی کشورها همواره از زوایای متعددی به تحلیل عوامل مؤثر بر تصمیم‌گیری‌ها و رفتارهای دیپلماتیک یک کشور پرداخته شده است. مطالعه و تحلیل سیاست خارجی از منظر فرهنگ سنتی یکی از این عوامل موردبررسی است که هرچند تنها عامل تأثیرگذار نبوده و نمی‌تواند به‌تنهایی جایگزین سایر عوامل شود، اما بی‌توجهی به تأثیر آن بر سیاست خارجی کشورها نیز امری به‌دوراز خرد است، زیرا فرهنگ سنتی و ارزش‌های دیرینه‌ای که در تاریخ یک کشور نهادینه شده‌اند، به‌صورت نامحسوس بر افرادی که در آن فضای فرهنگی خاص بزرگ شده‌اند (سیاست‌مداران یک ملت) تأثیر می‌گذارند. از همین رو، در این پژوهش با بهره‌گیری از مطالعات اسنادی و منابع کتابخانه‌ای و از منظر سازه‌انگاری تلاشی در جهت درک تأثیرات مؤلفه‌های اصلی فرهنگ سنتی چین بر روابط دیپلماتیک آن با دنیا داشته‌ایم. همچنین طبق بررسی‌های انجام شده به نظر می‌رسد که مهم‌ترین مفهوم در این میان مفهوم «هماهنگی» باشد که کلیدواژه محوری در تعیین سبک ‌و سیاق تعاملات دیپلماتیک چین با دیگر بازیگران عرصه بین‌المللی است.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>موسسه پژوهشی مبانی و مدل‌ های اقتصادی بومی</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>تعاملات دیپلماتیک</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>3041-9395</Issn>
				<Volume>2</Volume>
				<Issue>8</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Opportunities and Requirements for Utilizing Arbaeen in Strengthening the Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s Public Diplomacy</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>فرصت‌ها و بایسته‌های بهره‌گیری از راهپیمایی اربعین در تقویت دیپلماسی عمومی ج.ا.ایران</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>189</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>228</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">225146</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22034/dpiq.2025.516291.1032</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سید عباس</FirstName>
					<LastName>علوی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0007-9459-8283</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>علینقی</FirstName>
					<LastName>لزگی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار معارف و الهیات دانشگاه افسری امام علی (ع)، تهران، ایران.</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0009-0007-9459-8283</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمد امین</FirstName>
					<LastName>حضرتی رازلیقی</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه امام صادق (ع)، تهران، ایران .</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-0864-5175</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>07</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;strong&gt;Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;The Arbaeen pilgrimage, despite its spiritual motivations and the individualistic approach of participants rooted in intercultural and religious traditions—as well as the commemoration of Imam Hussein&#039;s epic—has evolved into one of the manifestations of transnational Shiite activism and a unifying force strengthening the bonds within the global Shiite community in recent years. Given the cultural, intangible, and non-material nature of the Arbaeen pilgrimage, this phenomenon can be leveraged to serve the objectives of public diplomacy for diverse countries. The Islamic Republic of Iran, with its religion-based political system, is particularly well-positioned to capitalize on this opportunity to enhance its constructed image on the global stage.&lt;br&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Theoretical Framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;In recent decades, religion has assumed an increasingly prominent role in shaping international relations, giving birth to the concept of &quot;faith-based diplomacy.&quot; This approach is fundamentally interconnected with public diplomacy that draws upon religious values. At its core, faith-based diplomacy employs religious principles and spiritual beliefs as tools to: Foster meaningful connections with global populations, create positive influence in international affairs, and Ultimately serve as a mechanism for peacebuilding. This strategic dimension has become instrumental in enhancing the public diplomacy efforts of nation-states. To examine the dimensions of faith-based public diplomacy, constructivism has been selected as the theoretical framework of the current study.&lt;br&gt;Constructivism, emerging from the third debate in international relations, serves as a social theory of world politics that seeks to address the identity and meaning gaps created by the dominance of materialist discourse in the field. This theoretical approach fundamentally reinterprets state behavior by viewing actors&#039; identities and interests not as fixed or predetermined, but rather as socially constructed through shared ideas and norms. At its core, constructivism emphasizes on the &quot;social construction&quot; of international political actors, offering a critical alternative to traditional rationalist perspectives.&lt;br&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;This study adopts a descriptive-analytical research design with an applied-operational nature, extending beyond mere analytical propositions and identification of opportunities arising from the Arbaeen pilgrimage to enhance Islamic Republic of Iran&#039;s soft power in West Asia and its traditional spheres of influence. The research specifically aims to develop policy recommendations for improving Iran&#039;s public diplomacy through the Arbaeen phenomenon. Data collection will employ a mixed-methods approach, combining documentary research, library studies, and semi-structured elite interviews. Data analysis will be conducted through dual methodologies: grounded theory analysis and elite analysis, ensuring comprehensive examination of both theoretical frameworks and practical insights.&lt;br&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusion &amp; Suggestion &amp; Results&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br&gt;Iran&#039;s Public Diplomacy of Arbaeen can be defined as the strategic utilization of available resources and favorable methods during the Arbaeen pilgrimage to: project an accurate and ideal image of the country, foster mutual understanding, and counter hostile propaganda against the Islamic Republic of Iran. This approach ultimately aims to contribute to the formation of a new Islamic civilization - the fundamental objective of the Islamic Revolution. Key priorities of this religion-based diplomacy consist of promoting positive perceptions of Shia culture through human connections, clarifying misconceptions about Shia teachings, and highlighting how Arbaeen&#039;s message aligns with universal human values., Iran&#039;s Arbaeen-based public diplomacy - by its emphasis on the humanitarian dimensions of this spiritual gathering - seeks to showcase the convergence between Shia principles and global ethical standards as well as neutralizing anti-Iranian narratives.&lt;br&gt;Iran&#039;s soft power resources including its Islamic-Iranian identity and culture, resistance against global arrogance, young and educated population, scientific and technological progress, religious democracy, Persian language, and tourism have fostered affinity toward the Islamic Revolution among nations around the region. The spiritual and non-material dimensions of the Arbaeen pilgrimage, rooted in Shia teachings, provide an ideal platform to leverage this potential to develop Iran’s public diplomacy including strengthening Shia identity and intra-Shia relations, promoting the authentic teachings of the Islamic Revolution, enhancing solidarity between Iranian and Iraqi Shia communities, reinforcing ties between the Qom and Najaf seminaries, advancing the idea of Islamic unity, presenting a positive image of the Islamic Republic among Iraqi Kurds and Sunnis, and creating economic opportunities through improved foreign perception.&lt;br&gt;The key requirements for leveraging Arbaeen&#039;s public diplomacy to advance Iran&#039;s foreign policy objectives include: (1) establishing a cross-sector coordination headquarters for Arbaeen public diplomacy; (2) utilizing non-Iranian NGOs&#039; capabilities; (3) developing guidelines for embassies and cultural attachés; (4) formulating a coherent media strategy; (5) raising Iraqi society&#039;s awareness about national unity through religious concepts; (6) enhancing public diplomacy skills among diplomatic staff; (7) producing targeted content aligned with audience preferences; (8) highlighting Iran&#039;s efforts toward comprehensive, balanced development; (9) strengthening and empowering international mawakibs; (10) launching a comprehensive Iran-focused informational website; (11) improving the effectiveness of cultural institutions operating in Iraq; (12) presenting Arbaeen pilgrimage as an Islamic (rather than exclusively Shia) ritual; and (13) fostering synergy with holy shrines and the Najaf seminary.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">راهپیمایی اربعین به رغم انگیزه‌های معنوی و رویکرد فردی مشارکت‌کنندگان ناشی از فرهنگ بین‌الاذهانی و اعتقادی، به یکی از مظاهر کنشگری فراملی شیعیان و عامل وحدت صفوف جهان تشیع بدل شده است. با عنایت به ماهیت فرهنگی، ناملموس و غیرمادی زیارت اربعین، این پدیده می‌تواند در راستای اهداف دیپلماسی عمومی کشورها مورد بهره‌برداری قرار گیرد که ج.ا.ایران هم با عنایت به رویکرد دین پایه نظام سیاسی، قادر به استفاده مطلوب از این فرصت جهت ارتقای تصویر برساخته خویش خواهد بود. بر این مبنا، سؤال اصلی پژوهش جاری آن است که راهپیمایی اربعین از چه جایگاهی در منظومه دیپلماسی عمومی جمهوری اسلامی ایران برخوردار است. نگارندگان با اتخاذ رویکرد توصیفی-تحلیلی، بهره‌گیری از داده‌های کتابخانه‌ای و روش تحلیل نظریه مبنا درصدد پاسخگویی به سؤال مذکور برآمده‌اند. نتایج تحقیق مبین آن است که تقویت هویت درونی شیعه، ترویج آموزه‌های اصیل انقلاب اسلامی، تقویت همبستگی شیعیان ایران و عراق، تحکیم پیوند حوزه‌های علمیه قم و نجف، تقویت ایده وحدت جهان اسلام و ایجاد فرصت‌های اقتصادی با برسازی تصویر مطلوب از مهم‌ترین ظرفیت‌های اربعین جهت تقویت قدرت نرم ج.ا.ایران قلمداد می‌شوند. در این راستا، تأسیس قرارگاه فرا بخشی هماهنگی امور دیپلماسی عمومی اربعین، بهره‌گیری از ظرفیت نهادهای غیردولتی غیر ایرانی، تقویت مواکب بین‌المللی و توانمندسازی آنان و معرفی اربعین به مثابه منسک اسلامی و نه الزاماً شیعی از مهم‌ترین الزامات بهره‌گیری مؤثر از فرصت اربعین جهت تقویت دیپلماسی عمومی ج.ا.ایران هستند.</OtherAbstract>
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